Naslov (srp)

Institucija visokog predstavnika za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

Autor

Vojinović, Nikolina, 1993-

Doprinosi

Bataveljić, Dragan, 1959-
Đorđević, Srđan, 1967-
Pilipović, Milan, 1970-
Rapajić, Milan, 1978-

Opis (eng)

The High Representative of the International Community in BiH, i.e. his Office,represents a specific international political body, which has, on the one hand, extremelybroad powers and, on the other hand, rather imprecise and generally defined competences,without the possibility of bearing any responsibility for its work and making (and, veryoften, imposing) unilateral, sometimes incomprehensible and highly debatable decisions.Therefore, we can freely say that in these almost three decades (1995‒2023) of itsexistence, it has grown into a specific, sovereign institution of this former Yugoslavrepublic, although it was originally assigned the role of an organ of the internationalcommunity, which was to facilitate the implementation of the civilian part of the DaytonPeace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, comparing the Constitution of BiHand the acts of the High Representative, we must agree with the statement that there is abig difference between the imaginary state established by Annex IV of the GeneralFramework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the state that functionstoday on the basis of the acts of this international political body. The first one can be saidto be "unreal", i.e. imagined by the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while thereality is completely different and that, when we talk about the sovereignty of Bosnia andHerzegovina, it can be stated that the reality indicates (confirms) that this is a"protectorate", the duration of which is unknown and, in this regard, there is completeuncertainty.Although the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is applied in this formerYugoslav republic as the highest general legal act of the state, the Bonn Conference andthe powers given to the High Representative (hence, the name "Bonn Powers" is used)enabled the High Representative to very quickly become the most important legislator.He, therefore, also got the opportunity to create and shape the state regulation of Bosniaand Herzegovina, because he was able to pass new and change current laws, thusinfluencing the principle of separation of powers, on which the distribution ofcompetences provided for by the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is organized.The issues of transfer of competences from the institutions of Republika Srpska and theFederation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina areparticularly sensitive here, i.e. from the entity to the state, because in this way, each time,more and more, they lost their original competences, which were thus transferred to thestate institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it can be concluded that with thearrival of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it has become a countrywith very limited sovereignty and over which a specific form of "internationalguardianship", or rather "protectorate", is exercised and implemented, and in whichnumerous human rights and freedoms of citizens guaranteed by the Constitution of Bosniaand Herzegovina and the European Charter on Human and Civil Rights are violated at thesame time.Given that the High Representative acted as the bearer of numerous powers, whichdid not belong to him, and thus interfered in the exercise of both constitutional andlegislative, as well as executive and judicial powers, violating one of the basic principlesof the rule of law ‒ the separation of powers. Without it, there is no democracy and rule ofobjective law that applies to everyone, i.e. to the holders of the highest state authoritiesand the citizens themselves to whom that authority refers to. By revising the Constitutionof Bosnia and Herzegovina, he disturbed the clearly foreseen balance established by theConstitution between the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina(the entity) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (the state), and all this was done in order tostrengthen the central government and unitize this former Yugoslav republic. The transferof competences from entity bodies to higher level institutions, i.e. to the institutions ofBosnia and Herzegovina, were carried out by the High Representative without the consentof the entities themselves, and with the establishment of new institutions in the state, asignificant revision of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out.Undeniably, such decisions of the High Representative have violated the powers of theentities and their competences, on the one hand, and strengthened Bosnia and Herzegovina(as a state), on the other d. In the text that follows, it is easy to notice that the HighRepresentative passed, during the past years, numerous laws that led to the establishmentof the State Border Service, the Court and Prosecutor's Office of BiH, the High Judicialand Prosecutorial Council, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Security, the Council ofMinisters, various agency and the like. His such actions obviously violated the balanceestablished by the Constitution between the entities, i.e. the Republika Srpska and theFederation of BiH, on the one hand and the state, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, on theother.The Dayton Peace Agreement sought to cover as wide a matter as possible andprovide for the formation of authorities that would be able to successfully implement theAgreement and preserve lasting peace in these areas. However, the provisions of Article 3,Point 5 of the Constitution provide that "Bosnia and Herzegovina will assume jurisdictionover such issues on which the Entities agree: which are in accordance with Annexes 5‒8of the General framework agreement or which are necessary to preserve the sovereignty,territorial integrity, political independence and international subjectivity of Bosnia andHerzegovina, in accordance with the distribution of responsibilities among the institutionsof Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additional institutions may be established as necessary toexercise these powers". Constitutional-legal and political stabilization in these areas canonly be achieved if there is a guarantee of the functioning and implementation of theentire legal and political system. Respect for the constitutional right of the entities canespecially contribute to this in a way that they, instead of the High Representative, alwaysdeclare whether the formation of certain bodies and the adoption of certain acts ofappropriate content are necessary.All this requires a deep and constant analysis of the competences that have beentransferred and the activities of the High Representative, so it can be said that theevaluation of the constitutionality and legality of the activities of this internationalpolitical body in BiH, as well as the possibility of returning the transferred competencesfrom the state to the entity level (as it was before), have their basis, both in theconstitutional and legal sense, as well as in the political sense. Changes to the Constitutionof Bosnia and Herzegovina in a way that differs from the one prescribed by the provisionsof the Constitution itself and the violation of the principles of constitutionality andlegality have as a consequence that there has been a difference between the real and thenormative, i.e. that it is factually (realistically) different from what is prescribed in themost important general legal act ‒ the Constitution. If there are attempts to change (revise)the current Constitution, then it should be done in accordance with the procedure providedby the Constitution. Therefore, the fact that the constitutional-legal nature of the acts ofthe High Representative will represent a very important issue and that, in the time aheadof us, it will constantly gain in importance and actualization should not be surprising.

Opis (srp)

Visoki predstavnik međunarodne zajednice u BiH, odnosno njegovakancelarija, predstavlja jedan poseban međunarodni politički organ, koji, s jednestrane, ima izuzetno široka ovlašćenja a, s druge strane, dosta neprecizne iuopšteno definisane nadležnosti, bez mogućnosti da snosi bilo kakvuodgovornost za svoj rad i donošenje (vrlo često i nametanje) jednostranih, ponekadnerazumljivih i vrlo diskutabilnih odluka. Zbog toga slobodno možemo reći da jeu ove skoro tri decenije (1995–2023) svog postojanja on prerastao u jednu posebnu,suverenu instituciju ove bivše jugoslovenske republike, iako je njemu prvobitnododijeljena uloga organa međunarodne zajednice, koja se sastojala u olakšavanjuprimjene civilnog dijela Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma u Bosni i Hercegovini.Otuda se, upoređujući Ustav BiH i akte Visokog predstavnika, moramo složiti sakonstatacijom da postoji velika razlika između one države predviđene Aneksom IVOpšteg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini i države koja danasfunkcioniše na osnovu akata ovog međunarodnog političkog organa. Za prvu semože reći da je ona „nestvarna”, tj. zamišljena Ustavom BiH, dok je realnostsasvim drugačija i da se, kada govorimo o suverenosti Bosne i Hercegovine, možekonstatovati da nam stvarnost ukazuje na to da se ovdje radi o jednom„protektoratu”, kome se ne zna rok trajanja i u tom pogledu vlada potpunaneizvjesnost.Iako se u ovoj bivšoj jugoslovenskoj republici primjenjuje Ustav Bosne iHercegovine kao najviši opšti pravni akt države, konferencijom u Bonu iovlašćenjima datim Visokom predstavniku (otuda naziv bonska ovlašćenja)omogućeno mu je da vrlo brzo postane najznačajniji zakonodavac. On je otuda dobioi mogućnost da stvara i oblikuje državno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine, jer jemogao da donosi nove i mijenja postojeće zakone, pa je tako uticao i na načelopodjele vlasti, na kome je organizovana raspodjela nadležnosti predviđenaUstavom BiH. Posebno su osjetljiva pitanja prenošenja nadležnosti sainstitucija Republike Srpske i Federacije BiH na institucije Bosne iHercegovine, tj. sa entiteta na državu, jer su oni tako, svaki put, sve više i višegubili svoje izvorne nadležnosti. Zato se može konstatovati da je dolaskomVisokog predstavnika u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, ona postala država sa dostaograničenim suverenitetom i nad kojom se vrši i sprovodi jedan specifičanoblik „međunarodnog starateljstva”, bolje reći „protektorata”, u kome seistovremeno krše brojna ljudska prava i slobode građana, zagarantovana UstavomBiH i Evropskom poveljom o ljudskim i građanskim pravima.S obzirom na to da je Visoki predstavnik djelovao kao nosilac brojnihovlašćenja koja mu nisu pripadala i da se time miješao u vršenje, kakoustavotvorne i zakonodavne, tako i izvršne i sudske vlasti, on je svojimdjelovanjem narušavao jedan od osnovnih principa vladavine prava – podjeluvlasti. Bez nje nema demokratije i vladavine objektivnog prava koje važi za sve, tj.za nosioce najviših državnih vlasti i samih građana na koje se ta vlast odnosi.Vršenjem revizije Ustava BiH, on je poremetio i jasno predviđenu ravnotežu kojaje Ustavom određena između Republike Srpske i Federacije BiH (entiteta) i Bosnei Hercegovine (države), a sve je to činjeno radi jačanja centralne vlasti iunitarizovanja ove bivše jugoslovenske republike. Prenos nadležnosti sa organaentiteta na institucije višeg nivoa, tj. na institucije Bosne i Hercegovine,izvršio je Visoki predstavnik bez saglasnosti samih entiteta, a osnivanjem novihinstitucija u državi izvršena je značajna revizija samog Ustava BiH. Nesporno,takve njegove odluke su narušile ovlašćenja entiteta i njihove nadležnosti, sjedne strane, a jačala Bosnu i Hercegovinu (kao državu), s druge strane. U radu ćese lako uočiti da je Visoki predstavnik tokom proteklih godina donosio brojnezakone kojima je došlo do uspostavljanja Državne granične službe, Suda iTužilaštva BiH, Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog savjeta, Ministarstva pravde,Ministarstva bezbjednosti, Savjeta ministara, raznih agencija i slično. Ovakvimnjegovim djelovanjem je, očigledno, narušena Ustavom utvrđena ravnoteža izmeđuentiteta, tj. Republike Srpske i Federacije BiH, s jedne strane i države, tj. Bosnei Hercegovine, s druge strane.Dejtonski mirovni sporazum nastojao je da obuhvati što širu materiju ipredvidi obrazovanje organa koji bi bili osposobljeni da uspješno sprovodeSporazum i očuvaju trajni mir na ovim prostorima. Međutim, odredbama člana 3tačke 5 Ustava predviđeno je da će „Bosna i Hercegovina preuzeti nadležnost zatakva pitanja o kojima se entiteti slože: koje su u skladu sa aneksima 5–8 Opštegokvirnog sporazuma ili koje su potrebne da se očuva suverenitet, teritorijalniintegritet, politička nezavisnost i međunarodni subjektivitet Bosne iHercegovine, u skladu sa raspodjelom odgovornosti među institucijama Bosne iHercegovine. Dodatne institucije mogu biti uspostavljene prema potrebi kako bivršile ove nadležnosti”. Ustavnopravna i politička stabilizacija na ovimprostorima može se postići samo ukoliko postoji garancija funkcionisanja isprovođenja cjelokupnog pravnog i političkog sistema. Tome posebno može dadoprinese poštovanje ustavnog prava entiteta da se oni, umjesto Visokogpredstavnika, uvijek izjašnjavaju o tome da li je potrebno obrazovanje određenihorgana i donošenje određenih akata odgovarajućeg sadržaja.Sve to zahtijeva duboku i stalnu analizu samih nadležnosti koje suprenijete i aktivnosti Visokog predstavnika, pa se otuda može reći i da ocjenaustavnosti i zakonitosti djelovanja ovog međunarodnog političkog organa u BiH,kao i mogućnost vraćanja prenijetih nadležnosti sa državnog na entitetski nivo(kao što je to ranije bilo), imaju svoj osnov, kako u ustavnopravnom, tako i upolitičkom smislu. Promjene Ustava BiH na način koji se razlikuje od onog koji jepropisan odredbama samog ustava i narušavanje principa ustavnosti i zakonitostiimaju za posljedicu da je došlo do razlike između stvarnog i normativnog, tj. da sefaktičko (realno) razlikuje od propisanog u najvažnijem opštem pravnom aktu –Ustavu. Ukoliko postoje pokušaji promjene (revizije) važećeg ustava, onda totreba izvršiti saglasno proceduri koja je predviđena Ustavom. Zato ne treba daiznenadi činjenica da će ustavnopravna priroda akata Visokog predstavnikapredstavljati jedno vrlo značajno pitanje i da će u vremenu koje je ispred nas,stalno dobijati na svojoj važnosti i aktuelizaciji.

Opis (srp)

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Jezik

srpski

Datum

2024

Licenca

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Creative Commons CC BY 3.0 AT - Creative Commons Autorstvo 3.0 Austria License.

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